reforms Archives

Dossier Surveillance in Angola

Rui Verde

This policy brief examines the current state of intelligence surveillance oversight in Angola, highlighting the legislative framework, its shortcomings, and the reforms needed to align national practices with democratic standards and international norms.

Intelligence surveillance in Angola has historically been shaped by the country’s authoritarian legacy and the central role of security services in maintaining political control. Since independence in 1975, the intelligence apparatus has been closely tied to the presidency and ruling party, with limited checks on its activities. Oversight mechanisms have remained weak, and surveillance has often been deployed against political opponents, civil society activists, and journalists. The legacy of discretionary power and opacity continues to undermine trust in institutions, despite recent reforms aimed at modernizing Angola’s legal framework and governance structures.

The legislation and general operational framework

The legislative framework governing surveillance is fragmented and lacks clarity. Angola’s Constitution recognizes fundamental rights such as privacy, freedom of expression, and due process, but these guarantees are often undermined by broad national security provisions. The National Security Bill, debated in recent years, has raised concerns among legal analysts and civil society because of its vague definitions of threats and its expansive powers granted to intelligence agencies. Critics argue that the bill risks institutionalizing surveillance practices without adequate safeguards, thereby perpetuating a culture of impunity. The courts, which should act as a check on executive power, have historically struggled to assert independence, as illustrated by the 15+2 case (2016), where activists were convicted under dubious charges of plotting rebellion. Public and international outcry eventually forced parliament to adopt an amnesty law, demonstrating that external pressure rather than institutional oversight was decisive in curbing abuse.

Recent legal reforms in Angola, particularly under President João Lourenço, have sought to improve governance and fight corruption. These include new anticorruption laws, reforms to public financial management, and efforts to align Angola’s legal system with international standards. However, reforms in the intelligence and surveillance sector have lagged behind. While Angola has made progress in transparency in some areas, it remains on the Financial Action Task Force’s grey list for weaknesses in anti-money laundering and counter-terrorism financing frameworks. This highlights the persistence of systemic vulnerabilities in oversight mechanisms, especially in sectors where secrecy is justified under national security.

The absence of a dedicated, independent oversight body for intelligence surveillance is a major gap. In democratic systems, parliamentary committees, judicial review, and independent regulators play a crucial role in ensuring that surveillance powers are exercised lawfully and proportionately. In Angola, parliamentary oversight remains limited to the Second Commission of the National Assembly, with security services enjoying broad discretion. Civil society organizations have attempted to fill this gap, but their capacity is constrained by political pressures and limited access to information. International actors, including NGOs and foreign governments, have occasionally exerted influence, as seen in the Luanda Reading Club case, but such interventions are episodic and cannot substitute for institutionalized oversight.

The need for reforms

The need for reform is urgent. Angola’s surveillance framework must be recalibrated to balance national security with individual rights.

First, legislation should clearly define the scope of surveillance powers, establish strict criteria for authorization, and require judicial approval for intrusive measures such as wiretapping or data interception.

Second, parliamentary oversight should be strengthened through the creation of a specialized committee with access to classified information and the mandate to scrutinize intelligence operations.

Third, independent regulators should be empowered to audit surveillance practices, investigate abuses, and report publicly on compliance with legal standards.

Fourth, civil society participation should be institutionalized, ensuring that watchdog organizations can contribute to oversight without fear of reprisal.

Reforms must also address the broader governance environment. Intelligence surveillance does not operate in isolation; it is embedded in a political system where corruption, weak rule of law, and executive dominance persist. Strengthening judicial independence is therefore essential, as courts must be able to adjudicate surveillance-related cases without political interference. Similarly, enhancing transparency in public administration and reinforcing anticorruption measures will create a more conducive environment for effective oversight. International cooperation can play a supportive role, particularly in capacity-building and technical assistance, but reforms must be domestically owned to ensure sustainability.

The Angolan government faces a strategic choice. Continued reliance on opaque surveillance practices risks eroding public trust, deterring foreign investment, and undermining Angola’s international credibility. Conversely, embracing reform could signal a genuine commitment to democratization and human rights, strengthening Angola’s position in global governance forums. The experience of other countries in Southern Africa demonstrates that oversight of intelligence surveillance is possible even in challenging political contexts. By institutionalizing checks and balances, Angola can move beyond episodic responses to crises and build a durable framework that protects both national security and civil liberties.

Conclusion

In conclusion, Angola’s current oversight of intelligence surveillance is inadequate, characterized by weak legislative safeguards, limited institutional checks, and reliance on external pressure to curb abuses. While recent governance reforms have improved transparency in other sectors, surveillance oversight remains underdeveloped. The path forward requires comprehensive legislative reform, stronger parliamentary and judicial oversight, independent regulatory mechanisms, and meaningful civil society participation. These measures are not merely technical adjustments; they are essential to consolidating democracy, protecting fundamental rights, and ensuring that intelligence surveillance serves the public interest rather than political expediency. Angola’s future stability and credibility depend on its ability to transform its surveillance framework into one that is transparent, accountable, and aligned with international norms.

Sources:

-Committee to Protect Journalists. (2024, April 1). Angola’s proposed national security law threatens press freedom, puts journalists at risk* CPJ. https://cpj.org/2024/04/cpj-angolas-proposed-national-security-law-threatens-press-freedom-puts-journalists-at-risk/

-DCAF. (2011). ntelligence oversight: Ensuring accountable intelligence within a framework of democratic governance*. Geneva Centre for Security Sector Governance. https://www.dcaf.ch/sites/default/files/publications/documents/DCAF_BG_11_Intelligence%20Oversight.pdf

-Generis Online. (2024, November 7). Recent legal reforms in Angola: An overview of new laws and their implications. Generis Online. https://generisonline.com/recent-legal-reforms-in-angola-an-overview-of-new-laws-and-their-implications/

-Human Rights Watch. (2024, April 23). Angola: Proposed security law threatens rights*. Human Rights Watch. https://www.hrw.org/news/2024/04/23/angola-proposed-security-law-threatens-rights

-Human Rights Watch. (2025). World Report 2025: Angola. Human Rights Watch. https://www.hrw.org/world-report/2025/country-chapters/angola

-Intelwatch. (2024, February). Mapping intelligence oversight laws in Southern Africa. Intelwatch & Media Policy and Democracy Project. https://intelwatch.org.za/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Mapping-intelligence-oversight-Laws-in-Southern-Africa_FIN-COMPRESSED.pdf

-OHCHR. (2025). Angola | UN Human Rights Office. Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights. https://www.ohchr.org/en/countries/angola

-U.S. Department of State. (2024). Angola 2024 human rights report. U.S. Department of State. https://www.state.gov/wp-content/uploads/2025/07/62451_ANGOLA-2024-HUMAN-RIGHTS-REPORT.pdf

-University of Glasgow. (2024). Watching the watchers: Strengthening public oversight of intelligence-driven surveillance – Angola case study. University of Glasgow. https://www.gla.ac.uk/research/az/watchingthewatchers/angola/

-Ver Angola. (2024, August 14). Parliament approves law on national security and UNITA questions “grey areas”. Ver Angola. https://www.verangola.net/va/en/082024/Politics/41166/Parliament-approves-law-on-National-Security-and-UNITA-questions-%E2%80%9Cgrey-areas%E2%80%9D.htm

-Verde, R. (2021). Israeli involvement in electronic surveillance in Angola: A step towards transparency or the sophistication of illegal practices?*Media Policy and Democracy Project. http://www.mediaanddemocracy.com/uploads/1/6/5/7/16577624/angola_report.pdf

This policy brief is an original from CEDESA. The briefing forms part of an eight-country research project titled “Public Oversight of Digital Surveillance for Intelligence Purposes: A Comparative Case Study of Oversight Practices in Southern Africa,” supported by the British Academy Global Professorship Programme through the University of Glasgow.

Social life in Angola is very alive and, at this moment, political and judicial matters dominate the country’s agenda. However, it is in the domain of the economy that there is an extremely significant evolution on which it is important to reflect and proceed to a careful analysis.

The recent (February 2023)[1] International Monetary Fund (IMF) report on the country underlines the favorable advances of the Angolan economy and also the necessary reforms. It is based on this report that we will enunciate Angola’s main trends in the economic field and the neuralgic points to avoid relapses such as the last long recession that began in the presidency of José Eduardo dos Santos.

Positive Trends

Angola’s economy is in full recovery after the five-year recession (2016-2020). By 2022, supported by higher oil prices and resilient non-oil activity, it has already reached growth of more than 3%, estimating the IMF that by 2023 the country continues to see the GDP increase in the order of 3.5%.

Therefore, we see growths of over 3% per year, which by our calculations, maintaining the price of oil and accelerating the liberalization of Angolan markets and foreign investment, could accelerate to numbers of 4% or 5%, adopted that are the right policies.

The optimism we share here results from the fact that non-oil growth has been widespread, despite a difficult external environment, as it means that the non-oil sector is reviving, as well as the attention that several developed countries with market economies are providing Angola, as is the case of US, Spain, France and Germany. Mentions should be made to recent visits to Angola of the King of Spain and the President of the French Republic, Emmanuel Macron (February and March 2023).

It should be noted that the debt that the public debt/GDP ratio has dropped about 17.5 percentage points of GDP, for an estimated 66.1% of GDP, aided by a stronger exchange rate. It is estimated that the checking account remained with a large surplus in 2022, while coverage of foreign currency reserves remained adequate (IMF data).

The fact is that the Angolan government has, according to the IMF, to adopt and maintain solid macroeconomic policies and maintained a commitment to structural reforms that are vital to Angola’s economy.

Necessary reforms

We understand that it is in the verification of fundamental structural reforms that resides the future of the Angolan economy. We highlight some reforms that are necessary to take and/or continue.

1-First renovation, with impact on the medium and long term, is to foster training for the economy of young people. Training not only means, and perhaps not in most, university education, but solid training in basic education and in professional aspects. We argue, therefore, that there must be an effective bet on vocational and technical education in Angola, before any other. A real bet on professional and technical schools and institutes, which are seen as valuable alternatives to academism and not mere university imitations (tragic error of Portuguese polytechnics).

2-Second renovation entails the creation of more conditions for investment, no longer at the legal level, where there is a modern framing and updated twice during the presidency of João Lourenço, but at the judicial, administrative and good practices level. The investor must feel safe to arrive in Angola and apply his money. One should not be afraid of being without the money due to any interference from an oligarch, or see any process dragging on in court. The speed and impartiality of justice is linked to good investment.

3-Third reform is dedicated to the financial sector, there is a special emphasis on increase credit to private persons and and the resolution of banking weaknesses. Quickly we must merge and capitalize banks, creating a banking sector not dependent on the state, clientelism or mere public debt management.

Finally, among other reforms, we highlight the true imperative of making more progress in strengthening governance and transparency, to improve the business environment and promote private investment.

Of course, continuing and accelerating anti-corruption strategy is also important.

National Employment Plan

All these news should be framed with the well-being of the population and the serious problems still pending. The one we highlight is unemployment, which although noting a slight descent, is still very high, about 30% [2]. This is an area in which we advocate direct state intervention. It is evident that the increase in GDP corresponds to an unemployment decrease, however, we believe that in the face of such high unemployment, in the short term the immediate action of the government is fundamental.

In this sense, the recent announcement of the World Bank of US $ 300 million for a project to accelerate economic diversification and job creation[3] is to greet. Not knowing in detail the design of this acceleration program, its existence should be underlined, as well as the previous announcement of the Angolan Labor Minister of the creation of a National Employment Program, with the aim of creating more opportunities for insertion of young people in job market[4]. Also, in this case, the data are scarce about the design of the plan, and it is certain that the President of the Republic had declared in the discourse of the State of the Nation of 2022, the creation of the referred plan.

So far, these initiatives related to unemployment, although positive, seem uncoordinated and poorly implemented. Therefore, the truth is that Angola would win to see a comprehensive national employment plan, specific and directly coordinated by the President of the Republic, without the risk of not properly implemented a plan, which in the short term is fundamental to the economy and Angolan population.